New Deal coalition

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The New Deal Coalition is the alignment of interest groups and ballots in the United States that support the New Deal and elect a presidential candidate from 1932 to the late 1960s. It made the Democratic Party a majority party during that period, defeated only to Dwight D. Eisenhower, a New Republican, in 1952 and 1956. Franklin D. Roosevelt formed a coalition that included the organization of the Democratic state party, city machine, trade union, blue-collar workers , minorities (racial, ethnic, and religious), farmers, white South people, relievers, and intellectuals. The coalition began to collapse with bitter factionalism during the 1968 election, but it remained the model sought by party activists to replicate.

Video New Deal coalition

History

Formation

The 1932 presidential election and the Senate's election and the House of Representatives of 1934 led to a long-term shift in voting behavior, and became a lasting rearrangement. Roosevelt established its New Deal in 1933 and formed a coalition of trade unions, liberals, religions, ethnic and racial minorities (Catholics, Jews and Blacks), Southern Whites, the poor and the relieved. Organizational losses are provided by big city machines, which gain access to millions of aid jobs and billions of dollars in expenditure projects. This voting block together constituted a majority of voters and handed the Democrats seven wins out of nine presidential elections (1932-1948, 1960, 1964), as well as the control of the two assemblies of Congress during all but four years between 1932-1980 (Republicans won a small majority in 1946 and 1952). Beginning in the 1930s, the term "liberal" was used in US politics to show supporters of the coalition, "conservative" opponents. Coalitions are never formally organized, and constituent members often disagree. Coalitions are often often divided on foreign policy and racial issues but more united to support liberal proposals in other domestic policies.

Political scientists have called the new coalition being produced as a "Fifth Party System" different from the Fourth Party System in the era of 1896-1932 being replaced. Journalist Sidney Lubell found in his voter survey after the 1948 presidential election that Democrat Harry Truman, not Thomas E. Dewey's Republican, looked a safer, more conservative candidate for the "new middle class" that had developed over the previous 20 years. He wrote that "for a sizeable share of voters, Democrats have replaced the Republican Party as a party of prosperity" and quoted a man who, when asked why he did not vote for the Republic after moving to the suburbs, replied "I have a nice house, own a new car and much better than my parents I've been a Democrat all my life Why should I change? "

Administration

Roosevelt has a magnetic appeal to city dwellers, especially the poor minorities, unions, and relief work. Taxpayers, small businesses and the middle class chose Roosevelt in 1936, but turned sharply against him after the 1937-1938 recession seemed to believe his recovery promises.

Roosevelt found a completely new use for the city machine in his election campaign. Traditionally, local bosses minimize the number of voters to ensure reliable control over their environment and the legislative district. To bring college elections, however, Roosevelt requires a large majority in the largest cities to tackle the hostilities of the suburbs and towns. With Postmaster Administrator General James A. Farley and WPA Harry Hopkins cutting agreements with local and local Democratic officials, Roosevelt used federal discretionary spending, especially the Job Progress Administration (1935-1942) as a national political machine. Supported men can get WPA jobs regardless of their politics, but hundreds of thousands of oversight jobs are given to local Democratic machines. 3.5 million voters on the payroll list during the 1936 election gave 82% of their vote to Roosevelt. The vibrant, highly urbanized labor unions, also doing their best for them, voted 80% for him, as were Irish, Italian and Jewish voters. Overall, 106 cities of over 100,000 residents voted 70% for FDR in 1936, compared with 59% elsewhere. Roosevelt won reelection in 1940 thanks to the cities. In the North, more than 100,000 cities gave Roosevelt 60% of their votes, while the rest of the North liked Wendell Willkie by 52%. That's just enough to provide critical college electoral margins.

With the start of full-scale war mobilization in the summer of 1940, cities were revived. The war economy pumps massive investments into new factories and finances the production of ammunition all the time, guaranteeing jobs for anyone who appears at the factory gate.

Decline and descent

The coalition is a mess in many ways. The first cause is the lack of Roosevelt's stature leader. The closest is probably Lyndon Johnson, who deliberately tries to revive an old coalition but in fact makes his constituents separate. During the 1960s, new issues such as civil rights, Vietnam War, affirmative action, and large-scale urban riots tended to break down coalitions and expel many members. Meanwhile, Republicans make huge profits by promising lower taxes and crime controls.

Unfortunately for the Democrats, the twin powers of the Civil Rights Movement and counter-culture led to fractures in the party in North America. Many blue-collar voters, who are socially and culturally conservative, dislike the objectives of both the counter-cultural and Civil Rights movements. The Republican Party, first under Richard Nixon, who was later under Reagan, was able to keep up the electorate with the promise of being strict with law and order. The blue-collar workers' voice contributed greatly to the 1972 and 1984 Republican landslides, and to the lower levels of 1980 and 1988.

In many ways, it was the civil rights movement that ultimately touted the destruction of the coalition. After major civil rights legislation passed by Congress in 1964 and 1965, the old argument that Democrats needed to block civil rights laws collapsed. It opens the way for the same social forces that operate elsewhere to reshape voter allegiance. Democrats have traditionally supported solidly in the Southern states (who led the region dubbed Solid South ), but this electoral dominance began to erode in 1964, when Barry Goldwater achieved unprecedented GOP support in Deep South ; all states he won the Arizona bar in his homeland which had voted Democrat John F. Kennedy in 1960. In the 1968 elections, the South once again abandoned its traditional support for Democrats by supporting Republican Richard Nixon and third party candidate George C Wallace, Democratic governor Alabama at the time. The only state in the South that voted for its constituency in 1968 to Democrat Hubert Humphrey was Texas (and even then only slightly), in which Humphrey benefited from Texas as the state of President Lyndon Johnson.

With the collapse of the New Deal coalition in the South, in the 1960s, the region generally voted Republican in presidential elections. The exception occurred in the 1976 election, when every former Confederate state except Virginia chose the original Georgia Jimmy Carter, and 1992 and 1996, when South Clinton Clinton (Arkansas) and Al Gore (Tennessee) Democrats ticketed a split territory of electoral votes. Barack Obama in 2008 was also relatively good, bringing Virginia, North Carolina and Florida. However, Democrats continued to dominate state politics in the South countries until the 1990s and 2000s.

Maps New Deal coalition

Legacy

The big city machines faded in the 1940s with some exceptions, notably Albany and Chicago. Local democrats in most cities rely heavily on WPA for protection; when it ended in 1943, there was a full-time job and no source of replacement work was made. Furthermore, World War II brought a spike in prosperity in such a way that the mechanisms of assistance from WPA, CCC, etc. are no longer needed.

Unions occupied size and power in 1950 but then experienced a steady decline. They continue to be the main supporters of the Democratic Party, but with so few members, they have lost much of their influence.

The intellectuals have given increased support to the Democrats since 1932. However, the Vietnam War caused serious divisions, with New Left reluctant to support most of the Democratic presidential candidates.

The white Southerners abandoned cotton and tobacco farms, and moved to cities where New Deal programs had far less impact. Beginning in the 1960s, southern and suburban cities began to choose the Republic. The white South believes the support the northern Democrats gave to the Civil Rights Movement to be a direct political attack on their interests, which paved the way to protest the vote for Barry Goldwater, who, in 1964, was the first Republican to bring Deep South. Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton lured many white Southerners back to the level of presidential elections, but by 2000, white men in the South were Republican 2-1 and, indeed, formed a major part of the new Republican coalition.

European ethnic groups emerged after the 1960s. Ronald Reagan attracted many conservative social workers to the Republican party as Democrat Reagan. Many middle-class ethnic groups see the Democrats as a working-class party and prefer GOPs as a middle-class party. However, the Jewish community still voted massively for the Democrats, and in the 2004 presidential election, 74% voted Democratic candidate John Kerry, in the 2008 election 78% voted for President Barack Obama, and in the election of 2012, 69% voted President Obama.

African Americans are growing stronger in Democratic loyalty and in their numbers. In the 1960s, they were a much more important part of the coalition than in the 1930s. Their Democratic friendship cut across all revenue and geographic lines to form the single most integrated single voter bloc in the country. Voting percentage: 1948-1964

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References

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New Deal coalition

Minggu, 17 Juni 2018